Monday, September 23, 2013

2. Legal framework for economic land concessions

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1.    Introduction

Cambodia is a predominantly agrarian society, and the vast majority of its citizens depend on land and natural resources, such as forests and fisheries, to sustain their livelihoods. In rural Cambodia, land is also deeply connected to the cultural and spiritual life of indigenous and non-indigenous communities.
Since the early 1990s, the Cambodian Government has conceded large tracts of land to private companies for investment in plantations and large-scale agriculture. These concessions have adversely affected the human rights and livelihoods of Cambodia’s rural communities.
The Sub-Decree on Economic Land Concessions, adopted in December 2005, is an important advance in establishing the legal and regulatory framework for the grant and management of concessions, including requirements to conduct public consultations and environmental and social impact assessments. However, these provisions have not been properly implemented and enforced; existing concessions have not been reviewed; and economic land concessions have continued to be granted over forested areas and indigenous land, in violation of the law.
A key question is who benefits from economic land concessions, and the grant of Cambodia’s land and natural resources. Information available on the Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries website shows that a large number of economic land concessions have been granted in favour of foreign business interests and prominent Cambodian political and business figures, including senators and oknhas. Yet the benefits for rural communities are not apparent, nor is the contribution to state revenues.

2.    Legal framework for economic land concessions

The Royal Government of Cambodia is a party to key human rights treaties, including the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. These treaties, together with the Universal Declaration on Human Rights, guarantee the rights to own property and not be arbitrarily deprived of property; to an adequate standard of living, including food and housing; to self-determination and not to be deprived of one’s means of subsistence; to freedoms of expression and assembly; to equality before the law and equal protection of the law; and to an effective remedy.
The Constitution of the Kingdom of Cambodia incorporates into domestic law the human rights guarantees contained in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and key human rights treaties, and specifically protects Cambodian citizens’ right to own land, and freedoms of expression and assembly.


2.1. Land classification and ownership
According to Article 15 of the Land Law and the Sub-Decree on State Land Management, state public land is land with a public interest use, and includes property having a natural origin, such as forests. State private land is all land that is neither state public land nor legally privately or collectively owned or possessed under the Land Law. The Sub-Decree on State Land Management sets out the framework for state land identification, mapping, registration and classification, and notes where additional administrative guidelines are required.
Under the Land Law, any person who enjoyed peaceful, uncontested possession of land - but not state public land - for at least five years prior to the law’s promulgation has the right to request a definitive title of ownership. Those who have enjoyed such possession for less than five years may obtain a definitive title of ownership after five years. However, as noted in the 2004 report, the majority of rural Cambodians do not have title documents recognizing their ownership of land, either because they have not seen the need to obtain titles, or cannot afford to do so.
2.2. Land Law and economic land concessions
The Land Law, promulgated on 30 August 2001, authorizes the grant of land concessions responding to either social or economic purposes. The Land Law also envisages “other kinds of concessions”, including mining, fishing, industrial development and port concessions, which do not fall within its scope. Land concessions must be based on a specific legal document, issued by the competent authority prior to the occupation of the land, and must be registered with the Ministry of Land Management, Urban Planning and Construction.
Economic land concessions can only be granted over state private land, for a maximum duration of 99 years. These concessions cannot establish ownership rights over land. However, apart from the right to alienate land, concessionaires are vested with all other rights associated with ownership during the term of the contract.
Economic land concessions shall not exceed 10,000 hectares, and concessions granted prior to the passage of the Land Law are to be reduced to comply with this limit, although an exemption may be granted if the reduction will compromise exploitation in progress.Article 59 further prohibits the grant of concessions in several locations, jointly exceeding the 10,000 hectare size limit, in favor of the same person(s) or different legal entities controlled by the same person(s).
Article 62 states that economic land concessions must be exploited within 12 months of being granted, or will be considered cancelled. Concessions granted prior to the Land Law must be exploited within 12 months of the law’s entry into force, or shall be cancelled. Concessions may also be cancelled if not exploited for a period exceeding 12 months during the term of the contract, without proper justification. Any failure to fulfil the conditions of a concession shall be grounds for its withdrawal, and concessionaires are not entitled to seek compensation for any damage resulting from the withdrawal of a concession.
Article 18 of the Land Law states that land concessions that fail to comply with the above provisions are null and void, and cannot be made legal in any form. Article 55 provides that concessions may be revoked by the Government for non-compliance with legal requirements, and the concessionaire may appeal this decision. Further, a court may cancel the concession if a concessionaire does not comply with clauses specified in the contract.
2.3. Sub-Decree on Economic Land Concessions
The Sub-Decree on Economic Land Concessions, signed by the Prime Minister on 27 December 2005, determines the criteria, procedures, mechanisms and institutional arrangements for granting economic land concessions; monitoring the performance of economic land concession contracts; and reviewing the compliance with the Land Law of concessions granted prior to the effective date of the sub-decree.
Economic land concessions are defined as a mechanism to grant state private land for agricultural and industrial-agricultural exploitation. The purposes for which they may be granted include investment in agriculture, rural employment and diversification of livelihood opportunities, and the generation of state revenues.
An economic land concession may only be granted when all the following criteria have been met:
            (i) The land has been registered and classified as state private land, in accordance with the Sub-Decree on State Land Management and Sub-Decree on Procedures for Establishing Cadastral Maps and Land Register, or Sub-Decree on Sporadic Registration;
            (ii) A land use plan for the land has been adopted by the provincial or municipal state land  management committee, and the land use is consistent with the plan;
            (iii) Environmental and social impact assessments have been completed with respect to the land use and development plan;
            (iv) There are solutions for resettlement issues, in accordance with the existing legal framework and procedures. There shall be no involuntary resettlement by lawful land holders and access to private land shall be respected; and
            (v) Public consultations have been conducted with territorial authorities and local residents, relating to economic land concessions projects or proposals.
Proposals for economic land concessions are to be evaluated against criteria that include the promotion of people’s living standards, perpetual environmental protection and natural resource management, avoidance or minimization of adverse social impacts, creation of increased employment, and linkages and mutual support between social land concessions and economic land concessions.
The grant of economic land concessions may be initiated through solicited proposals, where the Government seeks expressions of interest in a project, or unsolicited proposals, where an investor proposes a project. However, competitive solicited proposals are the prioritized method for granting concessions, and unsolicited proposals may only be considered in exceptional cases where an investor promises to provide outstanding advantages through the introduction of new technology, linkages between social land concessions and economic land concessions, or access to processing or export markets.
The Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries is authorized to grant economic land
concessions that exceed 1,000 hectares or a total investment value of 10,000,000,000 riels
(approximately $2,500,000).4 Provincial and municipal governors are authorized to grant
concessions below these limits. The responsibilities of contracting authorities include enforcing concession contracts, monitoring contract performance, and reporting to the Council of Ministers every six months.
3.    Overview of economic land concessions in Cambodia

3.1. Number of economic land concessions granted
The 2004 report listed 64 economic land concessions that had been granted, or for which approval had been sought, in 13 provinces. According to information provided by the Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries in early 2007, from 1992 to 31 December 2006, the Royal Government of Cambodia granted 97 economic land concessions in 16 provinces and municipalities of Cambodia. Of this number, nine concessions had been agreed to in principle by the Council of Ministers, covering an area of 64,208 hectares, but contracts had not yet been signed. During this period, the Ministry stated that the contracts of 30 companies had been cancelled, covering an area of 265,230 hectares (see Annex 2). However, only five of these companies had in fact signed contracts with the Ministry, and others had merely received letters agreeing in principle to the grant of concessions.
As of 31 December 2006, 59 concessions remained, covering an area of 943,069 hectares in 15 provinces. This constitutes approximately 5.2% of the total land area in Cambodia, and 14.5% of all arable land in Cambodia.9 A list of all economic land concessions, with their full names and localities, is set out in Annex 1.
          Stung Treng province has the greatest number of economic land concessions, with ten concessions covering 179,899 hectares. The provinces in which the greatest amount of land has been conceded are KompongChhnang and Pursat, where two companies have been granted concessions covering 318,028 hectares: the Pheapimex concession alone spans both provinces and amounts to 315,025 hectares. Districts in which large amounts of land have been conceded are Sambo district in Kratie province, Stung Treng and Sesan districts in Stung Treng province, and Phnom Srouch district in KompongSpeu province.

Province                      No. of companies                    No. of concessions      Areacovered hectares)
Stung Treng                10                                            10                                   179,899
Province                      No. of companies                    No. of concessions      Areacovered
KompongSpeu            8                                              9                                         90,256
Kratie                          7                                              7                                       64,373
Ratanakiri                    5                                               5                                       53,747
Kompong Cham          5                                               5                                       12,070
Kompong Thom          4                                               4                                       35,561
Koh Kong                   3                                              3                                        79,300
Kampot                       3                                              3                                        36,200
Siem Reap                   3                                              3                                        19,235
Mondulkiri                  2                                              2                                        17,600
OddarMeanchey         2                                              2                                        16,000
Sihanoukville              2                                              2                                        12,800
Pursat                          2                                              2                                        141,963
KompongChhnang      1                                              1                                        176,065
Battambang                 1                                              1                                        8,000
TOTAL                       58                                            59                                      943,069
The figures and information provided by the Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries do not include economic land concessions not exceeding 1,000 hectares, which are granted by provincial authorities. The Ministry has said it is not in a position to provide information on these concessions, and consolidated information on their number and location is not available from Government sources. According to information received from other sources, economic land concessions not exceeding 1,000 hectares have been granted in Kompong Thom, Kratie, Mondulkiri, OddarMeanchey and Ratanakiri provinces, and further proposals are under consideration. In late 2006, reliable information indicated that ten proposals for economic land concessions not exceeding 1,000 hectares had been submitted to provincial authorities in Mondulkiri province, and 22 proposals were under consideration in Kratie province.
3.2. Technical Secretariat on Economic Land Concessions
The eight members of the Technical Secretariat on Economic Land Concessions were appointed by the Prime Minister on 30 June 2006. On 1 August 2006, the Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries established an assistance team, comprised of Ministry officials, to assist the Technical Secretariat in carrying out its tasks. To date, the activities of the Technical Secretariat have focused on creating its functions and mandate, preparing new application forms and contracts for economic land concessions, and guiding companies in the preparation of environmental and social impact assessments.10
In August 2006, the Technical Secretariat sent out notices to contracting authorities, requesting information and documents relating to concessions granted prior to the Sub-Decree on Economic Land Concessions. In January 2007, the Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries advised that the Technical Secretariat was collecting data on concessions from the Ministry and provincial authorities, and that the Economic Land Concession Log book would be established once this information was received. No further information on the status of the logbook has since been made available.
3.3. Review of existing economic land concessions
In December 2005, the Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries advised that ten active companies had been reviewed. Apart from the cancellations the Ministry advised of in early 2007, it is not clear whether a general review of existing concessions has commenced. The largest existing concessions, including the Pheapimex concession in Pursat and KompongChhnang provinces and the Green Sea concession covering 100,852 hectares in Stung Treng province, have not been reviewed.
3.4. Access to information and documents
A priority of the good governance ‘rectangle’ of the Government’s Rectangular Strategy for Growth, Employment, Equity and Efficiency is to “ensure full transparency and accountability in all government transactions, including disposal or lease of public assets”. It is important to know who is benefiting from economic land concessions, and from the grant of Cambodia’s land and natural resources.
The 2004 report called for the disclosure of information relating to economic land concessions, including contracts, maps, company shareholders and revenue generated. Joint monitoring indicators agreed by the Government and development partners at Consultative Group meetings in December 2004 and March 2006 called for the immediate public disclosure of concession contracts and contractual compliance, and the establishment of a mechanism for the periodic dissemination of information on economic land concessions.
In mid-2006, the Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries created an economic land concessions homepage on its website, which includes profiles of concessions granted and basic company information.11 In March 2007, the website was updated to reflect information current as at 31 December 2006. Information has been provided on all concessions above 1,000 hectares, including company details. The website lists directors, but not shareholders, of concession companies. More detailed information is required on the ownership of concessions and concession companies, including information on all directors and shareholders.
No information has been provided on concessions not exceeding 1,000 hectares. This information should be disclosed as a matter of urgency, including details of concessionaires and the location, size, purpose and status of concessions. Information on economic land concession proposals under consideration, or agreed in principle, should also be disclosed, since many concessionaires commence activity before signing contracts. Further, information on compliance with the SubDecree on Economic Land Concessions is necessary, including the conduct of public consultations and environmental and social impact assessments, and reports from these consultations and assessments.
4.    Impact of concessions

The impact of economic land concessions has continued to illustrate the same trends documented in the 2004 report, and in subsequent reports submitted by the Special Representative to the United Nations Commission on Human Rights and Human Rights Council. These have included concerns about the lack of consultation with local communities, encroachment on land and detrimental impacts on traditional livelihoods, displacement, adverse environmental impacts, employment and labour conditions, violence and intimidation, and lack of effective remedy or recourse for affected communities. This report further illustrates these patterns, giving particular attention to the impact on indigenous communities.
4.1. Encroachment on agricultural and grazing land
Encroachment on agricultural and grazing land, and resulting loss of livelihoods, continues to be the most commonly-voiced issue of concern for communities, and arises in relation to almost all active concessions. These concerns have been raised by communities in relation to over 23 concessions in 11 provinces.
The Koh Kong Sugar Industry Company and Koh Kong Plantation Company concessions were granted without public consultation in August 2006. They cover land in SreAmbel and BotumSakor districts which villagers have farmed since 1979. The clearing of rice fields and orchards belonging to villagers in SreAmbel district has affected over 400 families; some have little or no land remaining for farming, and are surviving on last year’s rice harvest. The concession has also restricted the availability of grazing land for villagers’ livestock, and company security guards have reportedly seized or shot cattle straying into the concession area. Villagers are now reported to be facing difficulties in repaying loans taken out under micro-credit schemes, due to the loss of sources of income. Both companies have expanded their activities despite efforts to resolve the dispute, including the establishment of a provincial working group and an agreement that further bulldozing activity would be suspended until the dispute was resolved.23 In January 2007, it was estimated that 507 hectares of farm land and rice fields belonging to villagers had been cleared.
In Kratie province, the six concessions granted to Global Agricultural Development, Asia World Agricultural Development, Green Island Agricultural Development, Plantation Agricultural Development, Great Asset Agricultural Development and Great Wonder Agricultural Development in Sambo district encroach upon the land of Phnong, Mil and Kuy indigenous communities in O’Krieng, KbalDamrei and RolousMeanchey communes. These communities depend upon the cultivation of rice and seasonal crops, and the collection and sale of non-timber forest products. In mid-2006, three concessionaires began clearing land and forested areas to create roads and teak plantations, and digging trenches to prevent villagers and their cattle from accessing areas within the concessions. This destroyed rice fields and farm land belonging to villagers, as well as forested areas. Given the initial impacts of these concessions, which are not yet fully exploited, the villagers fear there will be insufficient land and forest resources for the future survival of their communities.
In Kompong Thom province, the activities of the An Mady Group concession24 have affected 29 villages in ToulKrouel and SalaVisai communes inPrasatBalaing district, where 65 percent of the population are Kuy indigenous people. The company commenced clearing land in December 2004, before the contract was signed in May 2005, and without any prior consultation with communities. It destroyed rice fields and orchards belonging to over 300 families and blocked roads used by villagers to access forests. Families have reported food shortages duet other loss of their livelihoods.
4.2. Loss of access to forests and non-timber forest products
Concerns about the encroachment of concessions upon forested areas and resulting loss of access to non-timber forest products have been raised by communities in relation to over 22 concessions in 8 provinces.
In Stung Treng province, five concessions have been granted over forested areas in Sesan district, including areas of dense evergreen forest.25 The area has long been under the traditional use of Phnong, Prov and Kuy indigenous people, who depend on rice cultivation, thecollection of non timber forest products and hunting. In KbalRomeas commune, some families own over 100 resin trees. The operations of the companies have limited villagers’ access toforests to tap their resin trees and collect non-timber forest products. Resin trees belonging to villagers have been felled with only small amounts of compensation paid.26 Villagers have reported that armed guards employed at the SopheakNika concession have restricted their access to forest paths previously used to access their resin trees. The affected communities fear that all the forests they have traditionally used and depended on will be gone once the concession sare fully exploited.In2005 and 2006, villages in KbalRomeas commune initiated requests for community forest areas, which are still pending. The various concessions overlap with the request dare as, which also cover community spirit forests.
For communities, the loss of access to non-timber forest products, particularly the tapping of resin trees, has had a heavy impact on family incomes and traditional lifestyles. Depending on areas and provinces, communities have reported that they can earn up to 10,000 riel ($2.50) per day by tapping resin trees and selling non-timber forest products. In contrast, day labourers at concessions are paid from 5,000 to 10,000 riel ($1.25 to $2.50) per day worked, with no guarantee of continued work or a fixed monthly income. In many concessions, communities note that workers are brought in from other provinces, and few local villagers are engaged.
4.3. Displacement
The Constitution of the Kingdom of Cambodia states that all Cambodians have the right to own land, which may only confiscated in the public interest, as provided for under law, and with the payment of fair and just compensation.27 Yet rural communities throughout Cambodia have been deprived of the right to own land through the grant of economic land concessions. They have received no or insufficient payment of compensation, and there has been no demonstrated public interest.
Concerns about the displacement of families have been raised in reation to the An Mady Group concession in Kompong Thom, the Mittapheap Men Sarun concession in Ratanakiri and the Vanna Import Export concession in Kompong Cham. For example, it is reported that the An Mady Group concession in Kompong Thom province has displaced 30 Kuy indigenous families. The company offered compensation of 70,000 to 80,000 riel ($20) per hectare: some villagers were forced to accept this offer, or were obliged to accept because their land had already been cleared. The families were relocated to small plots of land along the road, which are too small for cultivation. Villagers have had to resort to day labour, and some have had to leave the village to seek jobs in other provinces. Others have moved further into the forest to clear land for cultivation.
As concessions have not yet been fully exploited, further displacement is likely. Even if families are not forced out, they are likely to find themselves obliged to leave because there is no land left for them to cultivate.
4.4. Impact on areas of cultural and spiritual significance
Concerns about the encroachment of concessions upon traditional or spiritual land have been raised in relation to 9 concessions in 6 provinces, affecting both indigenous and non-indigenous communities.
For example, the Wuzhishan concession has affected the traditional lands of Phnong indigenous communities in O’Reang district, Mondulkiri province since 2004. The company has desecrated the spirit forests and ancestral burial grounds of Phnong communities, whose beliefs centrearound spirits that control life at home, in the forest and in their fields. Its operations have also affected reserved land, grazing land and farm land.28 Although the communities raised their concerns with the company and provincial authorities, the Government signed a contract with the company in December 2005 and the concession continues to operate.
The eco-tourism concession granted to New Cosmos Development (Cambodia) in May 2004 to develop a resort and golf course affects the traditional lands of Suy indigenous people in Aural district, KompongSpeu province. The land surrounds natural hot springs, and is an area of cultural and spiritual importance for the Suy. On several occasions, the company and local authorities have tried to remove the statue of the Suy goddess, YeayTe, from its location near the hot springs, and Suy elders now maintain a permanent presence by the statue to prevent its removal. Community members are allowed access to the statue, but armed security guards have barred their access to other areas within the concession, which are also important for the spiritual life and community livelihoods of the Suy.
Every year in Krakor district, Pursat province, communities conduct a traditional ceremony to thank spirits and forests for protecting and providing for them in the previous year, and to bless them for the coming year. In early 2005, when Pheapimex was active in the commune, local authorities required villagers to seek permission to organize the thanksgiving ceremony. The chief monk and religious department of the district warned monks not to participate in the ceremony, which they deemed political. Villagers and monks proceeded with the ceremony, which was monitored by police and local authorities. The police later collected the names of monks who had participated in the ceremony.
4.5. Environmental destruction
The 2004 report raised concerns about logging of valuable timber within economic land concessions, including in the Green Rich concession in Koh Kong province, and the Flour Manufacturing Company (Cassava Starch Production) concession in Stung Treng province, where it is reported that logging continues.
Further reports have been received that logging is taking place within economic land concessions granted over forested areas. HMH Co Ltd has been logging within its concession area in Kompong Thom, which overlaps with the former GAT International forest concession. It is also reported that logging is taking place within economic land concessions in Kratie and Stung Treng provinces, particularly in Sambo and Sesan districts, where concessions have been granted over densely forested areas, including over the former Kingwood forest concession.
Other environmental impacts include the use of pesticides and chemicals, which have contaminated water sources and affected the health of community members and their livestock in the Wuzhishan and Flour Manufacturing Company concessions.

5.     Impact on indigenous peoples

Economic land concessions have had a devastating impact on non-indigenous and indigenous communities alike, but indigenous communites, whose rights to collective ownership of land are protected under Cambodian law, are particularly vulnerable.
5.1. Importance of land and natural resources to indigenous peoples
Land and forest resources are central to the livelihoods, culture and traditions of Cambodia’s
indigenous peoples. The livelihoods of indigenous communities depend heavily upon shifting
agriculture and non-timber forest products, and forested areas are central to spiritual and cultural life.
The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, to which Cambodia is a party, upholds the rights of minorities and indigenous peoples to enjoy their own culture, profess and practise their own religion, and use their own language. The Human Rights Committee has commented that these cultural rights include the enjoyment of ways of life that are linked to land and the use of land and natural resources.29
Both the International Labour Organization Convention 169 concerning indigenous and tribal peoples and the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, adopted by the Human Rights Council on 29 June 2006, specifically recognize the right of indigenous communities to collective ownership of land, and note the responsibility of governments to protect these rights. Cambodian law also explicitly recognizes the rights of indigenous communities to collective ownership of their land and to traditional use of forest resources.30
5.2. Economic land and other concessions in indigenous areas
The north-eastern provinces of Ratanakiri and Mondulkiri are predominantly populated by indigenous peoples, and there are also significant indigenous populations in Kratie and Stung Treng provinces. Communities in these areas have already come under pressure from land alienation through ‘land grabbing’, and illegal or coercive land sales31. The grant of economic land and other concessions is alienating land even more rapidly, and these concessions threaten the livelihoods, culture and well-being of indigenous communities.
At least 25 economic land concessions are known to affect indigenous land in Kompong Thom, Kratie, Mondulkiri, OddarMeanchey, Ratanakiri and Stung Treng provinces. Other concessions granted over indigenous land include eco-tourism concessions in Aural district, KompongSpeu and at the BouSra waterfall in Mondulkiri, and a number of mining licences that affect indigenous land in Mondulkiri, Pursat and PreahVihear.
In late 2006, a licence was granted to BHP Billiton and Mitsubishi Corporation to explore for bauxite over 100,000 hectares of land in Mondulkiri province, overlapping with the Wuzhishan concession and encompassing indigenous traditional lands. Other mining concessions affect indigenous land in Veal Veng district, Pursat and Roveang district, PreahVihear. The growing number of mining concessions gives rise to concerns about the potential impacts on indigenous communities, their rights and their livelihoods.
5.3. Indigenous land alienation and registration of collective title
The Government has stated on several occasions that it is planning for the north-eastern provinces of Cambodia to become the fourth development pole of Cambodia, after Phnom Penh, Siem Reap and Sihanoukville, by 2015.32 Mining, agro-industry and eco-tourism are seen as the drivers of this growth, as noted by the Prime Minister at a meeting with the prime ministers of Vietnam and Laos in December 2006. The Government’s plan for economic growth in the north-eastern provinces seems to sanction and foreshadow further alienation of indigenous land.
The alienation of indigenous land through the grant of economic land and other concessions is undermining the ability of indigenous communities to register their collective ownership of traditional lands, and enforce their rights to land under the Land Law. In the face of the continuing alienation of land in indigenous areas, there is increasing concern that little land will remain available for registration once the framework for the registration of indigenous communities and collective land title is finalized.
Urgent and immediate action is required to protect and implement indigenous ownership rights over their traditional lands. Although the Land Law recognizes the right of indigenous communities to collective ownership of their lands, the process of establishing the framework for the registration of indigenous communities as legal entities who can hold title, and of collective title, has been lengthy and remains to be finalized. In the meantime, economic land and other concessions continue to be granted over indigenous lands.
The Government has developed a draft Policy on Registration and Rights to Use of Indigenous Communal Land in Cambodia which, at the time of writing, is yet to be adopted. In its current form, the proposed policy framework for indigenous land registration does not fully reflect and protect indigenous rights to land and natural resources, as guaranteed by the Land Law and Forestry Law. Of particular concern is the suggested movement away from shifting cultivation, which is part of the traditional lifestyle and customs of indigenous communities, and specifically recognized in the Land and Forestry Laws.
5.4. Other impacts on indigenous communities
The presence of concession companies has also generated land speculation in indigenous areas, further limiting indigenous peoples’ access to their traditional lands. Since the grant of the New Cosmos eco-tourism concession in Aural district, KompongSpeu province, Suy indigenous communities have faced land alienation and increased pressure on land available for their use. The commune authority has sold land reserved for future community use, including land used for the collection of non-timber forest products. People from outside the area, including Government officials from Phnom Penh, have bought land and built large houses in the area. Only a small area of reserved land now remains and this has become a source of conflict within the community, as there is now insufficient land to meet the needs of all families. During my visit to this concession in March 2006, Suy community representatives expressed concerns about their future, as most of the land traditionally used by their community is now gone.
Indigenous communities have expressed concerns that their culture, traditional ways of life and identity are under threat. They fear that the loss of their land and forests will lead to their cultural extinction, as future generations will have no cultural points of reference. As indigenous representatives have emphasized, land is life, and without it, there is no life for indigenous communities.

6.    Who benefits from economic land concessions?

6.1. Beneficiaries of economic land concessions
A total of 36 economic land concessions have been granted to foreign interests or prominent political and business figures, constituting 61 per cent of all economic land concessions granted. This does not include the ownership of economic land concessions not exceeding 1,000 hectares, as information on these concessions and their ownership has not been disclosed.
An analysis of information provided by the Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries shows that 25 economic land concessions are owned by foreign interests, amounting to over 42 per cent of all economic land concessions granted. Of this number, 12 concessions are owned by Chinese nationals, 3 by Thai nationals, 3 by Vietnamese nationals, 3 by American nationals, 3 by Korean nationals and 1 by a Taiwanese national. In addition, it has recently been reported that the Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries has agreed to lease 100,000 hectares of land to ten Vietnamese companies for rubber cultivation. Only 10,000 hectares have been identified to date.
The analysis also shows that prominent Cambodian political and business figures, including
senators and oknhas, own or have shares in at least 11 economic land concessions. While other concessions may be linked to such figures, this cannot be confirmed without a listing of the shareholdings in concession companies and more detailed information on the beneficiaries of concessions.
6.2. Meeting the objectives of economic land concessions
Economic land concessions are intended to be part of the framework of poverty reduction and rural development set out in the National Strategic Development Plan 2006-2010. In particular, they are intended to develop land in an appropriate and perpetual manner, based on appropriate ecological systems; provide increased employment in rural areas; and generate state revenues. However, as this and other reports have shown, economic land concessions are not meeting these objectives. The World Bank Poverty Assessment 2006 recommended smallholder plots, rather than large-scale agro-industrial plantations, to increase agricultural productivity and reduce poverty.
Concessionaires are not managing land in an appropriate or sustainable manner, with reference to existing ecological systems, and there do not appear to be any tangible benefits for local communities. In general, the concessions have not brought employment to affected rural communities. Where employment has been generated, in many cases workers are brought in from other provinces. Where local villagers have been employed, the level of remuneration is often inferior to what they could have earned from agriculture and non-timber forest products. Further, it is not clear what kind of contribution economic land concessions make to state revenues in Cambodia, and the Government should disclose the revenue earned from concessions.
Instead of promoting development and poverty reduction, economic land concessions have compromised the economic, social and cultural rights of rural communities in Cambodia. Cambodia is yet to submit its initial report under the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, which was due in 1994. In light of the current situation, it is imperative that Cambodia fulfill its reporting obligations under the Covenant, as a concrete step towards the effective implementation of the rights enshrined therein. General Comments of the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights have recognized that the right to adequate housing includes legal security of tenure, and that sustainable food security for present and future generations is central to the right to food.35
6.3. Community development initiatives and needs
In a number of cases, local community development initiatives for the sustainable management of land and natural resources have been overridden by the grant of economic land and other concessions, which disregards and compromises the National Strategic Development Plan’s goal of improved livelihoods and poverty reduction in rural areas. The prioritization of large-scale investment over community-based initiatives also runs contrary to the recommendations on rural poverty reduction made by the World Bank Cambodian Agrarian Structure Study 2005 and Poverty Assessment 2006.
In SreAmbel district, Koh Kong province, American Friends Service Committee was undertaking a participatory land use planning process in ChikhorLeu commune, working with communities and local authorities to map out land use in the area. The participatory land use plan was completed in 2006, but work started on the Koh Kong Sugar Industry Company and Koh Kong Plantation Company concessions before the process could be finalized. Neither communities, local authorities nor the NGO were consulted or informed about the grant of the concessions.
In Aural district, KompongSpeu province, Suy indigenous people were working on a community based eco-tourism project to manage the hot springs and generate community income, with the support of Lutheran World Federation and Fauna and Flora International, and in co-operation with the Ministries of Environment and Tourism. In October 2004, they were told to stop activity after the grant of the New Cosmos eco-tourism concession. Similarly,Phnong indigenous communities near BouSra waterfall in Mondulkiri province were working with local authorities, with the support of DANIDA, to manage the site and develop small-scale tourist facilities. Despite this initiative, plans for the grant of an eco-tourism concession are underway, envisaging larger-scale development.
Economic land concessions have also compromised community initiatives to establish community forests under the Forestry Law. Since 2005, Community Economic Development has been working with local communities in Kratie province, including Mil and Phnong indigenous people, to establish a community forest in KbalDamrei commune, Sambo district. Local authorities and forestry officials were aware of this initiative. However, in 2006, three economic land concessions were granted over the land sought as a community forest. In OddarMeanchey province, Mieng Ly Heng was granted a 1,000 hectare concession for a cassava plantation over an area where local people had formed a forestry community and were in the process of legalizing this community in accordance with the Forestry Law.
These are examples of local communities developing land management and livelihood strategies for the benefit of their communities, working with local authorities, NGOs and development cooperation agencies. Yet the process of granting concessions has taken no account of these initiatives, and granted exclusive possession rights to private enterprises. Many communities now have insufficient land and natural resources for their future growth, and are unable to implement sustainable development plans for their communities.





7.    Conclusion

Cambodia has enjoyed rapid economic growth and a reduction in overall levels of poverty in the past decade, but the benefits of this growth have not been shared equitably among its citizens. Disparities in income and access to opportunities have increased, particularly in rural areas. Rural communities are heavily dependent on land and forest resources, and landlessness has been cited as a main cause of widespread poverty in rural Cambodia. Yet increasing numbers of economic land concessions continue to be granted, further limiting rural communities’ access to land and natural resources.
Economic land concessions have not led to increased agricultural productivity or economic growth in Cambodia, and large areas of conceded land have been left idle or under-utilized. As recommended by the World Bank Poverty Assessment 2006, secure land title and family-based or smallholder agriculture would improve development outcomes for rural communities. Community-based initiatives for land and natural resource management should also be prioritized.
This report has concluded that economic land concessions have not proven to be an effective way of promoting development that benefits the majority of Cambodia’s population. Instead, they are compromising the livelihoods of rural communities in favour of the enrichment of the few, as well as foreign business interests.
Effective recourse for affected communities has remained elusive, and their concerns have gone largely unheeded by the Government. Relevant authorities and the judicial system have not fulfilled their duty to uphold and protect the rights of rural communities to own land and use forest resources. They have also failed to comply with and enforce the Land Law, Forestry Law and related sub-decrees. This does not reflect positively on the accountability of state institutions and access to an effective remedy.
Land and natural resources in Cambodia must be managed for the benefit of all Cambodians, in accordance with the law and Cambodia’s commitments under international human rights treaties. Special protection is required for the land and traditional ways of life of indigenous communities. The protection and fulfilment of human rights, including those enshrined in the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, are central to development and poverty reduction. Development is a people-centred process that encompasses economic, social and cultural well-being. It must benefit the population as a whole, and people must be involved in decision-making about their land and livelihoods. The participation of affected communities would assist in sharing the benefits of Cambodia’s land and natural resources, and reducing the negative impact of economic land concessions.
The challenge that lies ahead for Cambodia, working with its development partners, is to develop and implement policies and practices that promote equitable and shared growth in Cambodia, and the management of common resources for the benefit of all Cambodians. The international community, for its part, must do all that it can to ensure that development is people-oriented, and respects and protects the rights of Cambodian citizens.





8.     Reference

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